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It has been a topsy-turvy summer in electoral politics for the labor-left in New York City.
New York City’s Democratic Socialists of America (DSA) won big. Of the nine insurgent candidates for state office that the chapter endorsed, eight won.
Even more impressive, two DSA-endorsed candidates won their primaries for U.S. Congress: Claire Valdez in NY-7 and Darializa Avila Chevalier in NY-13. Meanwhile, the city’s establishment unions, Local 32BJ, Service Employees International Union Local 1199, District Council 37, the Hotel and Gaming Trades Council, the United Federation of Teachers and others, went down swinging, losing in NY-7, NY-13, and several of the state seats DSA candidates contested.
All the millions spent, rallies held and phonebanks conducted were clearly not enough to defeat NYC-DSA’s field operation, messaging and association with Mayor and fellow DSA member Zohran Mamdani. Henry Garrido, Executive Director of DC 37, admitted as much, saying to the New York Times that unions like DC 37 “kind of ran away from” knocking on doors after the Covid pandemic, and that “we need to concentrate more on, as I say, touching skin, talking to people one on one."
For members of these establishment unions, this allergy to one-on-one conversations should come as no surprise. We have seen first-hand the old guard’s unwillingness to organize members into action.
This comes from a fear that increased involvement will restrict the old guard’s control over union patronage and decision-making. This is the source of both the union’s conservative decision-making process around, for example, endorsements, and their inability to mobilize members around their political aims.
How can members be expected to mobilize in support of a decision they were not empowered to participate in? It certainly does not help that the cost-of-living crisis has come for all New Yorkers, union members included, and unions do not seem as capable as they used to be at ensuring their members can afford to live comfortably in the city.
DSA members active in unions are interested in addressing these issues.
We want our unions to take political stances that align with the interests of working people. This could include negotiating in our contract for a $30/hour minimum wage and salaries that keep up with inflation, endorsing DSA candidates who fight for a working class program or joining the fight to divest our pension from Israeli companies and securities, in solidarity with the Palestinian working class suffering under a genocidal Israeli assault.
And we know that the path to having unions take those political stances lies in addressing the undemocratic nature of our unions and the subsequent lack of member participation.
Our successful organizing campaign to have DC 37 endorse Zohran Mamdani for in the Democratic party primary for mayor last year is one key example. The foundation of this campaign was our years of experience organizing together, at the workplace, chapter and local level, as well as on city-wide campaigns.
The success of the campaign hinged on a demand with rising popularity (endorse Zohran) tied to a working class program (address the cost-of-living crisis) and a goal of increasing union democracy and engagement.
It is hard to scale this campaign precisely.
Mamdani was uniquely poised to capture the endorsement, since, with former Governor Andrew Cuomo flopping and holding long standing union beefs, there was no clear front-runner DC 37 could play king-maker to.
Additionally, DC 37 organized a member-wide endorsement forum, which allowed the DC 37 for Zohran campaign to mobilize a large number of members to have our voices heard at scale and in a relatively democratic manner compared to the backroom dealings of the union's political action committee during our typical endorsement process. However, the fundamental ingredients can be carried forward: experience and trust built organizing around shop-floor and city-wide issues, a popular demand that supports a program for the working class, and a goal of democratizing the union while increasing member involvement.
United Auto Workers Region 9A, the UAW sector covering members across the East Coast, is another key example.
As a result of substantial organizing aimed at increasing member engagement and democratizing the union around a working-class platform, Region 9A has undergone a substantial transformation in the past decade. In 2022, DSA member Brandon Mancilla was elected to lead Region 9A as its director. Mancilla and UAW 9A organizers understand the importance of a working-class program and member democracy.
Speaking about the union’s endorsement strategy, he told the magazine Jacobin: "Very early on, [we realized] that we needed to have a political program... that was rooted in our fights, held our electeds in the different cities and states accountable, and also brought in the membership into every single one of those decisions."
“That meant, number one, that our endorsements would be earned, and our political program would be just as concerned with issues and a program and building coalitions with social movements and other organizations as it was with endorsements of political politicians and individuals who run for office," he continued.
This approach has been a success.
As Jacobin reported: “the New York State AFL-CIO endorsed in seven congressional races, winning only three — all of whom were incumbents. UAW 9A, meanwhile, endorsed five candidates, four of whom won, with only one, Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, being an incumbent.”
If Henry Garrido wants a serious answer to his “one on one” problem, this is a model he should look to replicate.
But union activists in DSA and beyond should not wait for union leadership to take up this approach.
We should be meeting regularly, using structures such as union caucuses, grassroots union campaigns and the DSA’s Labor Working Group, to find new ways to campaign around political issues that are important to the working class, such as the upcoming public-sector union contracts, the New York Health Act, or an end to the inhumane 24-hour work shifts for home healthcare aides. We should discuss how to develop these campaigns in such a way that they increase member engagement with the union, push for union democracy, and build our connection to the social movements with which we share a common cause.
DC 37 likely will not endorse DSA insurgent candidates overnight, but recent victories have shown us that, with hard work, such a future is indeed in sight.
3 comments on this item Please log in to comment by clicking here
Ralder
Good piece.
Two things
1- DC37 got away from door knocking long before the pandemic. It actually ended when he got to be ED.
The exception was certain locals like L 1549 doing it on their own.
2- while they did put Zohran in endorsement, they put him 2nd behind Adrienne Adans who a rousing 4% of the vote indicating that their own members didnt listen to the union.
3- As for internal organizing - members will listen and mobilize and follow leaders when it is shown that the leaders take care work site problems and they listen to workers concerns. Feedback I still get back from members is that it is not being done by too many on staff now.
Wednesday, August 12 Report this
RayMarkey
Many years ago a group of DC37 Locals and activists led a campaign to have the DC37 elected leadership elected directly by the membership. The effort to directly elect our leadership was called One Person One Vote. We held meetings in all the Borough's where
this issue was debated. I was one of the speakers advocating direct election of the DC37 leadership. At that time I was President of the New York Public Library Guild Local 1930. Charles Ensley, President Local 371 also spoke in favor of it as well as many other Local Presidents and rank and file members. These meetings were sponsored by DC37. Finally there was a vote at the DC37 Delegate Assembly where we lost. It is important for the current members of DC37 leading this new effort to know that you are following in a long tradition of rank and file members in DC37 fighting to democratize their union. All of this was covered at that time by the Chief. It would be useful if the Chief reprinted some of their articles covering this struggle.
Ray Markey
President (Ret) New York Public Library Guild, Local 1930
VP DC37 (Ret)
President New York Public Library Retirees Association
Thursday, August 13 Report this
Oldmanlabor
Right now the Transport Workers Union local 100 is in upheaval. They make sure any members that speak up or organize within are fired or let go while they look the other way or not help at all. They feel as if activist fighting the bosses is undermining their authority as union representatives. Instead of organizing the rank and file they are fighting those who try to organize within. They have gotten rid of any vice president that they feel supports any insurgency. Vice President of surface transit was removed last year now the vice president of Rapid Transit Operations is being removed to appoint a replacement. This is disrespectful to the members to keep appointing presidents and vice president while not having a real organizing happening within the union. This is the weakest the union has been since Roger Touissant shut down the whole city and went to jail to protect members health benefits and dignity. The current leadership would do anything not too see a militant and fighting union because it puts them in jeopardy of losing control of their high paying jobs. They have become Union bosses instead of fellow organizers.
Thursday, August 13 Report this